By Saswat Pattanayak
Pohang Steel Company (POSCO) operates
two of the world's leading steel projects--the Pohang
and Gwangyang works, and conducts business in over 60
countries around the globe.
Since last couple of years, POSCO has been setting
goals for the economically backward and minerals-rich
Orissa. If Vedanta promises the biggest university in
the world, POSCO promises the largest steel plant, and
the biggest foreign direct investment in history (Rs
51,000 crore). After signing a Memorandum of
Understanding with POSCO, Orissa-a largely obscured
cultural site for Hindu pilgrims, has now found the
biggest reserved location on World Exploitation Map.
According to the MoU signed between the state
government and the Korean corporate giant, POSCO will
build a 3 million tonne capacity steel plant, blast
furnace or Finex route, during the first phase in
Paradeep, Orissa between 2007 and 2010, and will expand
the final production volume to 12 million tons. The
investment proposed is to the tune of US$12 billion,
including an initial investment of US$ 3 billion during
the first phase, making it the largest steel project to
take place in India.
The Orissa government will in turn also grant POSCO
mining lease rights for 30 years that will ensure a
supply of 600 million tons of iron ore to POSCO,
besides granting it permission to export another 400
million tons through its mining partner in the project,
BHP Billiton of Australia.
The technical catch
Indian politics does not by itself reach heights of
fraudulence. It is enriched by its nexus with
international military powers, business houses and
elite bureaucracy. In case of POSCO, it is a wise
combination of three. South Korea's allegiance to
American military-industrial complex is well-known.
Indian central government preferring to conduct
business worth billions with this camp tells quite a
few things about changing preferences on national
security issues. In addition, there is no business like
selling off one's own lands. And ironically, this is
the area where the national government of India has
allowed for 100 percent foreign investment.
It primarily means that apart from the private
properties that the rich landlord class of India has
harbored, the vast land masses in forest and rural
areas managed and cared for by the poor in a country
that still "lives in villages" is always open for
transactions. For the rich class in India, the
Constitution provides for rights to their private
properties. For the poor, the same Constitution is used
by the cunning ruling class to take away every human
rights to the communal properties.
Communal properties, like human emotions, are supposed
to be priceless. They are not owned, they are guarded.
And those that safeguard the communal properties should
logically be most loved and cared for. But in a society
oppressed under individualistic norms, neither human
values nor communal properties are taken care of in the
interest of the humanity. Consequently, every bit of
natural splendors is put on sale to the favored bidders
of the class of privately propertied. It is the rich
parasites of India who crave for not just the
protection of their own properties but also for making
good in dealing with communal properties that they
historically have forced the poor to safeguard.
In the current neoliberal schemes of corporate
expansions of profiteering sweatshop sectors,
"investment" is the civilized term for feudal gains out
of enslaved labors of landless guardians.
To the blind profiteers, it does not matter if the
inhabitants refuse to part with their lands. It does
not even matter if what they promise to the people in
lieu of realizing their fast money-making opportunities
is unkept. Not just the promises of compensations, but
also promises of business goals themselves are kept
aside as long as the loot is achieved in a shorter
frame.
POSCO is yet another example of such fraud that
satisfies the hunger of the government officials and
business houses in the short run, and loses sight of
the goals no sooner than the booty is collected in
desired proportion.
POSCO has sought to ship 400 million tons of iron ore
over a period of 30 years out of a captive iron ore
mine capable of supplying 600 million tons of ore. And
this unacceptable absurdity prevails even in the face
of Indian Bureau of Mines estimates which depicts it as
impractical proposition. India's iron ore reserves
stand at 17,712.4 million tons, which include reserves
of Hematite iron ore at 12,317.2 million tons and
Magnetite iron ore at 5,395.2 million tons. The total
production of iron ore in a fiscal year is around 120
million tones. Out of this, the indigenous consumption
is about 60 million tones. The rest, which is used for
purpose of exports is about 60 million tons.
It is extremely doubtful that a 30-year sustainability
can be achieved out of such projected statistics for
POSCO, even if one ignores the fact that local
consumption of 200 million tones for 30 years is way
shorter than the real market demands in the country
today. At the same time, out of the uncommitted iron
ore reserves of 2 billion tones that are estimated to
be available in Orissa, 1.7 billion tones would be
already consumed if the 36 MoUs signed with the Orissa
Government are realized. The various MoUs account for
34 million tons of new steel capacity and eventually
they will leave only 300 million tons for the POSCO
project. Hence, even on the paper, such deals are
blatantly shady. With 300 million tons availability,
the state government has signed up to supply 600
million tons for POSCO.
POSCO is imagined to be exchanging 30 per cent of the
600 mt ore with iron ore of higher quality by exporting
it. Interestingly enough, the company is not expected
to be spending anything, since POSCO will not purchase
iron ore from Orissa. POSCO has been given mining lease
where it will take away iron ore by just paying
royalty. Since the existing market rate for one tonne
of iron ore ranges from Rs 2000 to Rs 26,000, and POSCO
is supposed to take away additional 400 million tons of
iron ore, the company will be taking out of Orissa 1000
million tons of iron ore. Even at the manipulated
figure of 600 mt (instead of 1000mt), POSCO is slated
to take away iron ore worth more than Rs 10 lakh crore.
At the minimum price (@ Rs 2000), POSCO will make Rs
1,20,000 crore, and after extraction costs, the net
profit will be at least Rs 96,000 crore.
It's a quick-rich trumpet that merely blows about the
capacity of 12 million tons per annum making the
project not only the biggest in India but one of the
biggest in the world. But before we embark upon
realizing the 30-year dream of POSCO, we need to take
into consideration the immediate needs of the millions
of poor still languishing in Orissa.
Just as the blueprint for corporate success may be
invalidated in view of statistical impossibilities, the
promises for social upliftment are also as bogus as
they come. Whereas even most mainstream media coverages
acknowledge that at least 20,000 houses will have to be
displaced, POSCO on its official website claims the
following: "Interestingly, the topographic features
like the soil and vegetation of Pohang (Korea) and
Paradip (Orissa) are very comparable. The Pohang
project was successfully able to rehabilitate 67,000
residents from the project site; this tremendous
experience will be replicated in Orissa as well. The
site near Paradip is sandy like Pohang, Korea. It also
has stretches of forest like Pohang; the latest
estimate says that about 2,000 people of 400 households
have to be relocated from the site for the Orissa
project whereas about 67,000 residents were
rehabilitated for the project site in Pohang."
Drawing some grossly (and childishly) ambiguous
parallels between Pohang and Paradip, the company lies
through its tooth about the number of people going to
be affected. First of all, households in the projected
sites do not have nuclear families. Secondly, the
number 400 is astoundingly rubbish. If the company can
lay the foundation of lies on its purported victims,
one can imagine the extent of manipulations it can
resort to in order to maximize profits.
Even before the project has begun, many people have
started fleeing from the area in search of livelihood.
In a Times of India report headlined "Clashes over
POSCO trigger migration in Orissa" , it is informed
even by an organization which supports the plant that,
"At least 500 people from the affected villages have
migrated over three months either to other states such
as Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Punjab or to other
districts in Orissa in search of livelihood." That, a
company of such international stature even can afford
to ignore the actual number of people who are going to
be affected, tells quite much about the things yet to
unfold.
And this is not even the beginning of the ordeal for
the local poor. Some can of course migrate to other
states once they know in advance that the land-grabbers
are approaching. But the majority of potential victims
are yet clueless. This is because, as of June of 2007,
the Korean firm had acquired only 1,135 acres of land
out of total 4,000 acres it requires for the project.
So whose turn is it going to be next in both the plant
site and the mining region? And what options are there
for the people? To declare themselves as immigrants in
their own lands or just displaced (to homelessness)?
What needs to be debated?
POSCO issue has generated lots of debates. On the face
of it most engaged in the discussions are either
heartily welcoming of it as a panacea, or are surprised
by the manner it has been able to hoodwink the people.
Of course those that consider it to be a cure-all, have
a stake in the culminated public perception that
private capital is after all the way to go.
But what we need to deconstruct are the larger views
held by those that oppose POSCO. Why a state government
should purchase land for private concerns has surprised
many. Bimal Jalan , a current Member of Parliament and
formerly Governor of Reserve Bank of India says in an
email response: "So far as land acquisition is
concerned, it is not desirable for a state government
to get directly involved in the purchase of land for a
private company-unless there is an overwhelming public
interest in doing so."
Such a view assumes, first that it is alright for the
state to be a property pimp for private profiteers with
certain conditions. Naturally such conditions keep
changing based on who decides what is in the public
interest. Ironically the most people who decide the
"public interest" are the same bunch of state
bureaucrats, and hence it is only a matter of their
differential preferences over the company to which they
intend to hand over the land, than any principled
opposition against mass subjugation. Secondly, Jalan's
comments are merely normative and they do not endorse a
plan of action, something which none of the political
parties are really doing anything about today in India.
The irony of POSCO crisis is that it has been boiled
down into a moral concern. Either one is ethically
opposed to it with a disdain, or looking forward to it
as a magic potion. The reality is this crisis was long
time coming and it must be utilized as a historical
unfolding that requires critical attention. What is
meant by this is that terms such as FDI, SEZ, etc., are
merely coinages to grant legitimacy to the intent of
the capitalists, than to acknowledge these as tools of
the haves-class to wage war against the landless.
Shailesh Gandhi, leading RTI activist while vehemently
opposing POSCO offers quite a few sound arguments: "The
top priority of India must be provision of livelihood,
and if any concessions have to be given, they should be
linked to livelihood generation. Instead large
businesses are being given great advantages, solely on
the ground of large capital and the equity market is
the major criterion of health of the economy after
GDP." Here, the assumption is that India is indeed a
socialist economy that needs to have its priorities
straight to cater to the interest of the "livelihood
generation".
One of the basic problems, then lies with the manner in
which we perceive the Indian nation. Most liberal
voices indeed still maintain the primary preposition
that the state works for the people. Starting from such
a hypothesis, they offer various solutions as regards
to what subsequently then, the state should do in order
to benefit the larger mass.
Absent from the entire equation of romanticized version
of state patriotism is the real question of political
economy. This is no hidden knowledge that after the
departure of the British, the Indian state has
consistently worked for the interest of the rich class
that in its turn promoted the ruling elites. For more
than four decades, the state served the interests of
the propertied class in every way possible while
etching out half-hearted five-year plans that remained
largely devoid of sensible implementations. The stress
on agrarian economy as a primary sector was also
conducted to maintain the economic disparities, not to
industrialize the needs of the people on their own
lands. When the time came for state assistance to
industrialize sectors, then domestic capitalist classes
were given free hand to choose and create industries on
their own terms. As a result, the houses of Tatas,
Birlas, Dalmiyas, Singhanias, Thappars, Ambanis etc
increased their shares on public lands.
In the early 90's what transpired was nothing
groundbreaking, and yet the era of liberalization or
"free market" in India was hailed as though it was a
break from the tradition. There were celebrations over
the end of what one called the "license raj". Manmohan
Singh was hailed as some architect of this new economy.
And the non-Congress parties complimented Singh on this
bold step that was perceived to be a break from
Congress tradition.
The reality is Singh had merely continued the tradition
of the ruling class interests of the country. The
reason why even the BJP and its likes of right wing
interests did not have much issues with liberalization
was that they were in fact waiting for this to happen.
Indeed, one might say that BJP was a creation of the
liberalization process. It was only when the domestic
capitalist classes of India decided to expand their
business interests globally to earn profits in
international currency, that the 'license raj' (which
was so far maintained to strengthen the private
business interest nationally) posed as a stumbling
block.
And lo and behold! With the advent of MacMohan (pun
intended!) policies, the private business concerns in
India went up for celebrations; they were able to plant
a bunch of bribe-seeking politicians (as colorfully
illustrated by Tehelka, etc.) to do what they were best
at doing: sell off the nationalized industries at dirt
cheap prices to the capitalistic combines.
And they offered a sophisticated name to manipulate
popular confidence in such hideous transactions:
Disinvestment (and even established a ministry after
such a name). Just as "Foreign Direct Investment" had
become an accepted terminology, instead of calling it
"Imperialistic Interests", likewise "Disinvestment"
became legitimized which should have been termed
"Loot-Raj" for that is exactly what was witnessed
following such a political action.
The primary motive behind loot-raj was of course to
strengthen the imperialistic interests. In the nicety
of "swim together, sink together", the coalition of
capitalistic class members was a necessity to fulfill
the works they had set out to perform.
It would be extremely naïve at this point or any other
to either be hopeful of the Indian state administration
or their capitalistic partners, both at home and
abroad, to either concede to popular demands or to look
after the welfare of the people.
Indeed, it is stupid at the best, and reactionary at
the worst to expect that things will change through
requests, forums, petitions, and any sort of addressing
to the India-POSCO combines. At the best they should be
lauded for what they have set out to do, that is,
carrying out the task of fulfilling their class
interests.
Some friends of the progressive forces have raised the
issue of "compensation for rehabilitation of displaced
people". This is again unwarranted because by framing
the phrase thus, we tend to really legitimize a few
things: we end up assuming that people are truly
displaced, that they are really in need of
rehabilitation, and that higher compensation should
prove useful.
This is an extremely dangerous approach that will
merely work to pacify local agitation among people
whereas the need is to organize workers movement world
over. Private capital such as POSCO's always begins
from a gaining ground. That is to say, on the
negotiation table, POSCO will always emerge the winner.
There is no telling why they will be in a position to
increase the compensation amount for people. Many
political parties that are opposing POSCO, chiefly the
left parties in India, are demanding higher
compensations, than actually opposing the political
system that has given rise to such a crisis. In
response, POSCO with its massive funds has not only
opened local offices in Kujang, it has also created an
Oriya website to pacify the people and through its
excellent public relations skills it has been able to
partially convince the local people that its
compensation package is the best.
Compensations are issues of consequences, not of cause.
These are consequences within the capitalistic ruling
terminology. Just as "charity" is. By such terms it is
denoted that the rich can keep the poor pacified by
throwing bread crumbs at them and getting rid of their
own guilt (if any) or getting absolved of their crimes.
A renowned Columbia University Professor of Economics
and Law Jagdish Bhagwati suggests that:
"I would encourage the foreign multinationals to add to
the benefits that their commercial activity must
generally speaking bring to Orissa by also doing what
is called Corporate Social Responsibility. It has now
become a tradition for a couple of decades for the big
firms to do something altruistic for the community in
which they are situated. For example, building a
playground, giving funds to local primary schools for
supplies, aiding the destitute etc. Orissa authorities
can surely suggest to the multinationals to do this,
allowing them the choice of programs that they would
like to support. Many of us individuals do the same, of
course, and I call it ISR, Individual Social
Responsibility. Thus, speaking for myself, I believe
that my life's work as a Professor has been enormously
helpful to the countless students I have trained. But I
still do ISR, giving away large sums of money to the
local church near Columbia University to support its
program on helping the homeless rehabilitate
themselves, and to organizations such as CRY in India."
Such pathological approach to social development has at
its roots two assumptions: one, that everything is
alright at the level of system status quo, meaning that
it is not the political economic system that needs to
be the issue, rather the trickling consequences that
need to be taken care of, and two, those that are
wronged need only to be rehabilitated with charity than
be organized to take equal claims.
Of course any charity money such as "ISR" as described
by Bhagwati are mere leftover funds and hence they are
from the outset not meant to empower the dispossessed.
And no empowerment deals with power issues where it is
reduced to an economic dependence or slavery. Churches
and NGOs do their great bit in caging peoples'
aspirations to the basic minimum and such CSRs or ISRs
are the primary factors encouraging such social
mishaps.
POSCO has also heeded to calls from the elite
intellectuals, the famous NRI propertied classes of
professors and scientists in the Europe and the US, who
stand to gain from an India modeled after the countries
where they currently live and fantasize about
capitalism as the solution. The Columbia professor in
question should have only looked at the Bronx and
Brooklyn poverty and Manhattan and Queens homelessness
to offer solutions other than charity in the same city
he "trains" countless students in.
The path of neoliberalism is strewn with surreptitious
moves in action and words. In action, it aims to allow
only a handful members of the rich class to dominate
over the mass of landless while colluding with their
active collaborators drawn from the sections of people
it would declare "upper middle class". In words,
neoliberalism is depicted by fraudulent and cunning
lexicon of comforting terms that are projected as
unalterable normatives. Little wonder that words such
as "charity" are associated with the rich class as a
greatly generous act, and words such as beggary or
stealing associated with the poor mass are denounced as
lowly acts, without deconstructing that if not for
formation of a class of charity actors, there would
have been no scope for beggars and "thieves".
Instead of conscious efforts to study the genealogy of
private properties that inevitably will, shall and
should give rise to the crisis of capitalism where poor
people are forced to choose between money in charities
or jail terms, the sad and effete intellectuals that
capitalism produces aplenty are concerned about solving
the problems that POSCOs of the world face from the
disgruntled masses.
Reuters provide its typical coverage on such an issue.
In an article headlined, "Delays raise cost of POSCO's
Orissa steel plant" , it sympathizes with the losses
that POSCO has to bear due to people's unrest in the
region. In the typical fashion characteristic of
corporate media, the story interviews the POSCO bosses
(in this case, POSCO-India's chairman and managing
director Soungsik Cho), not the locals.
The displacement of more than 20,000 people does not
become part of the headlines even in the most
sensational of media reports. Even the fact that those
workers who grow betel vines on state owned forest land
would not be eligible for any financial package, does
not raise enough eyebrows. Moreover the most necessary
debate about financial packages themselves goes amiss
from larger discourse.
Cultural Strategies of Class Society
Whereas the urban, upper class culture understands the
language of success, achievement, media coverage,
celebrity status, Americanization, globalization, or
even nationalistic pride, there are uniquely guarded
cultural traits among the indigenous peoples everywhere
as well. The majority of people dwelling in the forest
regions are intelligent, but illiterate, hardworking
but unsuccessful, loyal but candidly honest as well. As
a result, although they are able to carve out lives in
the worst of weather, withstanding the natural
onslaughts without regular assistance of the state,
build their own homes without qualifying to receive
bank loans, they are also almost usually
straightforward in their dissent, vocal in protests and
possessive when it comes to the rivers, and lands.
The corporate culture of urban India has similar
socio-cultural backgrounds as that of their Korean
counterparts. It is not surprising that the agony of
combating conflicts raised by the lowbrow masses
becomes equally intolerable to the capitalist
fraternity. The crucial difference that lies between
the poor and "backward" rural Orissa population, and
the ambitious upper middle class Indians and Koreans is
founded on economy, but is consolidated on cultural
givens perpetuated by their respective class
characters.
The problem would have perhaps been much less or
perhaps grown more desirably complicated, had the
have-nots class been deciding what would hold good for
the haves-class. For example, if the victims of POSCO
would have to prescribe what would be better for the
development of the world, they could start with
advocating for better irrigation projects, small scale
village cooperatives, and a ban on high-rises (to
prevent unauthorized use of groundwater). There would
always be shades of regressive and progressive thoughts
when such idea would be entertained. Some villagers
would indeed insist on reinforcing superstitions-even
as most are merely based on the capitalist-sexist order
of a propertied patriarchy.
However, the reality is the voices from the forests are
choked by the mainstream media. With the media
following their internal rules of thumb when it comes
to define the legitimate sources for airing opinions
(bureaucrats, business authorities), and they forming
the larger framework for what is considered to be
commonsense knowledge today, it is but natural that the
struggle is entirely lopsided in favor of the educated
opportunists.
In POSCO, it is still a 'Heads I Win, Tails You Lose'
situation for the combine of ruling politicians,
parasitical bureaucrats and the greedy capitalists. If
the villagers don't cooperate, they will continue to
face the wrath of the state. And now that they have
displayed disdain against the local police who serve as
custodian of capitalistic interests, the situation is
merely going to be worse for the dissenting people. If
they succeed at preventing the lands from being
exploited, it is they and their family members who must
endure the violence on their dignity for generations to
come. And if they allow for the state to hoodwink them
off their right to land, they will naturally be shoved
to obscurity after some bundles of cash are thrown at
them.
Those that advocate compensation theory for the
displaced naturally assume that money holds greater
value in society than human dignity. This is not
entirely dramatic, since this holds true for many upper
class people. But to conclude that the same notions of
cut-throat competitiveness and zeal to walk upon
corpses to climb power ladders are inherent with every
villager is a dangerous presumption.
And in the maddening race to justify such presumptions
as rules that can be generalized on behalf of the
humanity, the first casualty/victim of inhuman greed
often is the nature herself. Environmental concerns are
relegated to backstage entirely by the same
consciousness that denies Darwin and Global Warming. As
a result, the long standing battle between the people
out to protect their land, forest and river and the
antagonized business class gets to the next level.
Resorting to corruption of mind and morals, the rich
class gets the various environmental boards to work for
it.
No wonder, the State Pollution Control Board at
Bhubaneswar even went ahead and gave clean chit to
POSCO, much to the ire of the protesters. The
protestors under the banner of a voluntary
organization, Navnirmanamiti, had been vehemently
opposing the issuance of a No Objection Certificate
(NOC). "We are opposing the issuance of the NOC to
POSCO by the State Pollution Control Board. We also
want to know, on what basis the public hearing on the
issue was held, as majority of the people who will be
affected by the project were not present during the
hearing," said Akshya Kumar, convener of a voluntary
organization to the local media.
Rich get richer as poor state becomes
poorer
Amidst the growing presence of POSCO, we must not lose
focus of the great progress that people have been
making in opposition to the global monster. Protests
against POSCO have reached significant scales and it
has rendered the state government entirely helpless.
Not wanting to repeat the Kalinga Nagar massacres, the
government has instead resorted to the trickery that
modern day democracies are famous for. Since the people
could not be convinced to give up their lands, the
Naveen Patnaik regime has offered 3500 acre of
government land to POSCO just adjacent to the
farm-lands of the threatened cultivators in a bid to
compel them to sell away their rights to POSCO, else to
face greater crisis. Bigger damages are inevitable
since industrial wastes would not let the farmers live
in peace in the same locality.
In a micro level study by Dr. M.Mishra, titled, "Health
Cost of Industrial Pollution in Angul-Talcher
Industrial Area in Orissa, India" , it was found that
"economy forces change on the environment, which in
turn reacts back forcing unforeseen changes on the
economy", leading to people of Angul-Talcher sustaining
a total health damage of Rs.1775.48 millions, per annum
on an average.
Although the people bear the brunt of ecological
disturbances, POSCO does not even pay its costs. POSCO
plant won't have to worry about electricity or water,
because it will be given the facilities by the state.
It has already been authorized to produce electricity
out of coal mines that it will be provided with;
meaning it will not be paying for the coal. Even
without a SEZ status, POSCO has been given enough
leverages, also on the front of water. No estimates
have been conducted as to the amount of water that will
be utilized and of its source, in a drought-ridden
state. Now that SEZ status is part of the MoU,
naturally enough, POSCO will evade all the taxes even
while exploiting the natural resources preserved so far
by the population it aims to displace.
The Left front has opposed POSCO so far in as symbolic
terms as they go. Only after the cat has spilled the
milk, the tears have started flowing in. Prakash Karat
said to The Hindu that, "We are not against FDI in the
mining sector. But the country's mineral policy is
faulty as it allows loot of our mineral wealth by
foreign companies. Unless we challenge the country's
mineral policy, we cannot fight the POSCO deal." So the
official Left is not indeed opposed to Imperialism in
practice, only that they want it in moderation. Such
imbecile logic can only held in jest, not in contempt.
The questions being asked in relation to POSCO are
still industry-defined, not people-driven.
When it comes to people, questions are being asked
related to the number of jobs that will be generated.
As misleading the numbers can be, the neoliberal
promoters always champion some or the other numerical
value to put forward their advocacy. In this case, the
talks of annual growth rates will come later perhaps,
for now POSCO and Naveen Patnaik administration claim
they will be providing direct jobs to 13,000 people,
and 35,000 will get indirectly benefited. The quality
of jobs are not discussed anywhere, for a state which
is identified by its seasonal and disguised
unemployment rates. Of course all these numbers include
the daily wage laborers, the carpenters and tea-stall
boys. Likewise another figure doing the rounds is how
the state will gain Rs 22,500 crore in 30 years time
and the central government making Rs 89,000 crores in
that time period. This amounts to a total Rs 1,11,500
crores for 30 years. Of course this so-called net gain
will entirely be used up in the process of granting of
SEZ status to POSCO. And all this much ado for nothing
is going to be in contrast to the Rs 10,00,000 crores
worth of iron ore that Orissa will be giving away to
POSCO, not to mention more than 6,000 acres of land,
complimentary water, electricity, roads and railways.
Orissa is yet again getting prepared to be massively
exploited. But that is just the beginning of the
ordeal. What remains to be seen is the extent to which
imperialistic designs would continue to make inroads by
either taking over, or giving cover to the domestic
business partners in areas where the masses are likely
to be perished under dual oppression.
(Originally published in Radical Notes)
Tags: Saswat, Orissa, India, Capitalism, Indigenous